Innocent Smile to Intellectual Smile ….. ?

Innocent Smile to Intellectual Smile ….. ?

India is the storehouse of Schemes; there are 147 Schemes (B.K. Chaturbedi Committee).  These schemes are launched with specific purposes. But launching a numbers of schemes is not a solution and sufficient enough.  It is inevitable to translate these purposes into action through participation of people and political will of the regime in power.  Some certain extent regimes in power did it with commitment and will.  Since independence India keeps introducing schemes, importing schemes from abroad, indianising them to implement on the land. Sometimes, local innovative schemes taken to the national level and implemented across the country.

Community Development Programmes, Integrated Child Development Scheme (ICDS), Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA), Mid-Day- Meal (MDM), Public Distribution System ( PDS) are the vibrant imaginations to alleviate poverty of the welfare state India.   Consumption of Mid- Day- Meal and the deaths of 23 children in Masrakh Block of  Saran district, Bihar, revealed the reality of Welfare State. The Masrakh incident is the administrative inefficiency of not only Bihar but countrywide.  Low quality and poisonous Mid- Day- Meal is frequent and has become the order of the day.  The children are reading and learning in food poisonous country. Therefore the incident like Masrakh could occur in any part of the country and it is the grave national issue. Mid – Day- Meal is to protect children from classroom hunger, increasing school enrollment and attendance, improved socialization among children belonging to all classes and castes, to address malnutrition, and social empowerment through provision of employment to women and to fight against with hunger, underweight, illiteracy, Child labour. The Mid-Day-Meal is the biggest scheme in the world that feeds nearly 11 crores children to shape life of today’s for better tomorrow. It was launched in 1995 for children from poor households and that opened the doors of the schools for those children who are far from schooling due to the hunger. Mid- Day- Meal is a hope for such children. Mid – Day- Meal was launched with a national imaginative idea with historical experiences of Tamil Nadu, but this scheme has been victimized like other schemes due to inefficiency of monitoring. How can this victimized Mid- Day-Meal sustain the smiles of children of this country is the national issue. To sustain the innocent smile of the children and translate their innocent smile into intellectual smile, Mid- Day. Meal has to be considered a Mission not mere a scheme.

Kudumbashree: An Idea

When women think of Kudumbashree, they think it as existent and when they believe it to be an existent, Kudumbashree becomes an idea.  This idea of Kudumbashree units becomes an imagination. This imagination leads them to socio -economic and women empowerment. Units are determined by reason, by custom or the principle of association. Kudumbashree is nothing but an idea that is different from other ideas to eradicate poverty, socio-economic empowerment, women empowerment and to strengthen Local Self-Government, Kudumbashree as an idea assented and different from a fictitious idea. I attempt to explain by calling it a superior women platform with firmness that influences positively in decision making in public and private spheres. Kudumbashree gives women more force and influence that make them appear of greater public spheres.

Gua Massacre in the History of Jharkhand Movement

Gua Massacre in the History of Jharkhand Movement

Kranti Kumari

 

The author has interviewed Bahadur Oraon  and Bhubneshwar Mahto .

 

The Gua Golikand is unforgettable incident in the history of Jharkhand for brutalising the Adivasi communities and desensitization of force of Bihar. It occurred on September 8, 1980 when the Jharkhand movement was in its mature stage. It was one of the cruellest   massacres in the history of the movement of Jharkhand. This is the day that has been marked as the blood of the martyrs of Gua Golikand, West Singhbhum in the history of the movement of Jharkhand. This incidence is known as ‘Gua Golikand’ in the history of Jharkhand

Those days ‘Jungle Movement’ was in its peak in Singhbhum district of Jharkhand. The government was planting ‘Sagwan’ trees in the ‘Saranda’ forest by destroying ‘Sal’ trees. Sal trees play the crucial role in terms of economic and social life of inhabitants of this region, above all the tribal and other forest dwellers are religiously associated with Sal trees. These communities were involved in ‘Jungle Movement’ and were protesting against government’s act of insensitive- deforestation and tricks of capitalist penetration into  Saranda Jungle. The teak (Sagwan) plantation was the symbolic encroachment in the life of these communities for further exploitation and oppression by the hobnob of capitalists and state of Bihar. And this reality is well known to these communities since the Dikus (outsiders) had dwindled historically the resources of their ancestors. Their ancestors fought against such encroachments and oppression of Dikus.  Unfortunately, the social movements of their ancestors to protect their property, life and liberty were inked as ‘revolts’ by the English and later the same perspective, supported by mainstream writers. Hence the tribal movements were scantly written as tribal revolts. The 1980s generation were carrying forward the social movement of their ancestors to protect their life, resources and liberty. Therefore they were protesting the plantation of teaks in Saranda Jungle and uprooting the ‘Sagwan plants’. The leading leaders of ‘Jungle Movement’ in undivided Singhbhum district were Devender Majhi, Shailendra Mahto, Shula Purti, Mora Munda, Machhua Gagrai and Lal Chand Mahto. The government had deployed large number of Bihar Military Police (BMPs) to suppress the movement. At the same time in Gua, people were agitating against mining of iron ores. The red water (polluted) of iron ores was running through their agricultural fields that were converting their land into barren, unproductive and uncultivable. The livelihoods of these communities were connected with the produces on their fertile and cultivable land. The rivulets were poisoning by the mining and air was polluted. The livelihoods and health of the existing communities and their livestock become grave social and political issues. The local communities were demanding jobs as compensation of their land. The public rally was organized on September 8, 1980 in Gua (West Singhbum, Jharkhand). The administration was also aware of it. The large population was to participate in the rally, particularly from Sonua, Goelkera and Manoharpur blocks.

The state deployed the BMPs to blockade the roads in order to suppress the rally and railway routes were under strict supervision of BMPs and the trains were being checked. The agitators were being detained. The agitators were proceeding through dense forests to the declared place where the rally was to be addressed by their leaders.. The leading leaders of this rally were Bhubneshwar Mahto and Bahadur Oraon had reached to the place where the people to assemble for rally. The agitators had to gather in  Gua aerodrome, the rally was to begin from there.  The agitators were equipped with traditional weapons and music drum (nagada) and marching ahead The BMPs were deployed to blockade the rally, as the rally came out from aerodrome, the BMPs threatened the rally and detained it to march forward. But, the agitators of Jungle Movement did not stop and reached to local weekly market, Gua. The agitators began to gather in the weekly market where rally was to assemble and to be addressed by their pioneer leaders.

The other leaders like Sukhdeo Hembram, Sidhu Jamuda and Lalit Hembram also reached to the meeting place. Baisakhu Gope, the local leader began to address the gathering. The protest was going on smoothly, Though Baisakhu Gope was addressing the gathering a bit aggressively. Police came and arrested Bhubneshwar Mahto to interrupt the address and to disperse the gathering. On the other hand gathering  pulling Bhubneshwar  Mahto  to free from the clutch of police. Simultaneously, Baisakhu Gope had been arrested. The police was also trying to arrest Bahadur Oraon. The growing excitement of agitators to  protest against the cruel behaviour of police led gathering uncontrolled,  and the police started firing and on other hand  agitators  reacted  by  showering  arrows on the police.  On the spot three agitators and three BMPs were killed. The rest soldiers flew away to save their lives. The incidence of police firing and the killings of police and agitators reached to the people in no time and shortly spread like fire in the state. The injured people were taken to Gua hospital for treatment. The state machinery became crueller and brought more police from Jamda. The BMPs reached the Gua hospital and brutally killed by firing  the 8 injured people by making them stand on a queue. Behra Balmuchu was  a patient who was hospitalised for  the last few days  was the eye witness of this massacre.

The eleven agitators of Jharkhand Mukti Morcha had been brutally killed by the police and four policemen were killed by arrows. The names of these martyrs on the spot that Gua weekly market are gathering dust and their families are in worse condition. After creation of Jharkhand state on the blood and sweat of martyrs, thousands of individuals put behind the bars for several years and many court cases are still running  and  contribution of several communities have been pushed into the history of blackhole. The Adivasi leaders and bureaucrats have also learned to forget Gua Golikand and movement of Jharkhand. The leaders and bureaucrats are not in listening mood to the people, even if they listen them, learn nothing.  The then young leader Bhubneshwar Mahto and Baisakhu Gope were arrested but police could not arrest Bahadur Oraon. Bhubneshwar Mahto (Jharkhand Mukti Morcha) had been kept in police lock up whole night. The Bihar Military Police (BMPs) asked the key of lock up from Police Inspector to encounter Bhubneshwar Mahto. But, the Inspector did not hand over key to them. Next day,  he was escorted to Chaibasa Sadar Thana.  BMPs followed the police jeep   to encounter him on the way. But, the driver of police  jeep was a tribe and  supporter of Jungle Andolan in Singhbhum, failed the plan of BMPs to encounter Bhubneshwar Mahto on the way to Chaibasa Sadar Thana, The driver escorted him safely. In those days, the Chaibasa and Hajaribagh jails were known to jail the agitators and supporters of Jharkhand movement.  Bhubneshwar Mahto says,”The brutality of Bihar state could not crush the movement,  Gua Golikand was just a sparkle to  the fire to grow the movement of Jharkhand. But the present state has forgotten the foundational history and blood of its people where Jharkhand was built by people and created by constitution”

 

 The Martyrs of  “Gua Golikand” :

i)Iswar Chandra Sardarc (Vill. – Kairom, P.S. – Goilkera

ii)Jura Purti (Vill. – Bundu, P.O. – Jeteya, P.S. – Tonto)

iii)Chaitan Champiya (Vill. – Baihatu, P.O. – Gua, P.S. – Manoharpur)

iv)Jitu Soren (Vill. – Jojogutu

v)Bagi Devgam (Vill. – Jojogutu, P.O. /P.S. – Gua)

vi)Chudi Hansda (Vill. – Hatnabeda, P.O. / P.S. – Gua)

vii)Ganga Hembram (Vill. – Kuruyachuru, P.S. – Gua)

viii)Chambe Randha (Vill. – Badaponga, P.O. – Chidiya, P.S. – Gua)

ix)Chonder Laguri (Vill. – Chudgi, P.O. – Chidiya, P.S. – Gua)

x)Ramo Laguri (Vill. – Chudgi, P.O. – Chidiya, P.S. – Gua)

xi)Rango Soren (Vill. – Kumbia, P.O. – Chidiya, P.S. – Gua)

 

Katkari Tribes and Distress Migration: Why We Left Hamlets?

Katkari Tribes and Distress Migration: Why We Left Hamlets?

Mahto K.R. & Lakra N.

Abstract

In spite of its impact on social, economic, cultural and political life of an individual and family, the impact of seasonal migration has often been overlooked by concerned department, authorities and society at large. In recent years there has been a tremendous increase in the rate of migration. This has adversely affected the lives of the tribes (especially the primitive tribes) in India. This paper studies the distress migration among Katkari tribes of Maharashtra. It explores the various reasons how Katkaris are forced to leave their hamlets and work under sub-human condition for their livelihood. By using a Marxian framework, this paper, contributes the concepts of “alienation” and “surplus value” among the Katkaris. Quating from field experience, this paper brings out the ways by which the labour of the Katkari tribe is used for creating wealth for the capitalist class and subsequently being exploited.

Key Words: Katkari Tribes, Uchal (loan), Kharchi (weekly expenses).

 Mahto and Lkara are currently pursuing Master in Social Work, concentration Dalit and Tribal Social work, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai. The article is the part of their field work in Raigad district, Maharashtra.

Katkaris Adivasi

The term ‘Katkari’ is said to be derived from Marathi word ‘Kath’ (Catechu- the thickened juice of Khair tree), ‘Kari’, refers to making ‘Kath” or makers of catechu. Katkaris, including Dhor Kathodi were first notified as Scheduled Tribe against the name Kathodi or Katkari, under the constitution (Scheduled Tribes) order, 1950.There are two sub-groups of the community namely Dhor Kathodi (Katkari) and Son Kathodi (Katkari) ( Robin,

2004: 62). Katkari are categorized among the most primitive scheduled tribes. They are among the 75 tribes identified as Primitive Tribal groups (PTGs) by the ministry of welfare (Kulkarni & Deshpande, 2011: 554). In fact, it has been categorized as one of the three primitive tribes of Maharashtra, the other two being Kolams and Madia. Katkaris and predominantly found in districts of Raigad, Thane, Pune, Nashik and Ratnagiri. (Robin, 2004:62).

Similarly studies by Singh K.S. (2004), Tomar Y.P.S. , Gaikwad Nancy (1995), Sachidanad and Prasad R.R.(1996), Enthoven R.E.(1925), Russel and Heeralal (1916), Tribhuwan Robin and Others (2008), Tribhuwan Robin and Others (2009), Tribhuwan Robin and Peters P. (1994), Tribhuwan Robin and Patil Jayshree(2008) on the Katkaris distress migration and its adverse impact on their family have been highlighted (Kharche, 2004).

The houses of this tribe were constructed at the foot of the hills and made of thatched roof, unbaked bricks. Their houses are generally huts, kachha, semi-pukka.  The floor and walls of the houses are washed with cow dung. The housing pattern is under change due to the Indra Awas Yojna and their own hard earned income of daily wage. They use steel utensils and leaf plates for cooking and eating meals. The few Katkari tribes have semi-pucka houses varying from 100 and 150 sq. ft. and the majority of them have temporary houses.

The traditional occupation of Katkari tribes for survival is still depends on hunting, collecting minor forest produces, fishing and cultivation with primitive technology. Gradually they have been restricted to settle down near by the forest and the depletion of natural resources of their primary livelihoods forced them to depend on daily wage labour for survival.  “Patterns of occupation & Resource Utilisation” Patnaik Renuka (1996) has pointed out that the term “Katkaris” is linked with the original occupation of the tribe. With the passage of time, they took up the occupation of making charcoal, bricks, wood cutting and other unskilled jobs. They are currently engaged in Brick kilns and wood cutting work for nearly 6 month (from Dec – May) and they work in daily wage labour and agriculture (June – Nov.). Similar studies of the livelihoods of Katkaris have been studied by Enthoven R.E. (1920), Tribes of Maharashtra (1961), Russel & Heeralal (1975), Heredia Rudolf (1994), Gaikwad Nancy (1995), Patnaik Renuka (1996), Kappel Marcus & Tribhuwan Robin (1999), Tribhuwan Robin(2000), Tomar Y.P.S & Tribhuwan Robin (2004), Tribhuwan Robin (2004), Dhar, P.(2004), Bokil Milind (2006),  reveals that Katkaris were involved in following occupational typologies in past & present (Kharche, 2011).

The profession of Catechu Making was given up as time passed and they took up the occupation of charcoal making, cultivating as marginal farmers, agricultural labourers, daily wage labourers, brick kiln labourers (Patnaik Renuka, 1996).

Theoretical Framework of Migration:

The concept of migration is an old social phenomenon with human civilization. Migration is a continuous process that people migrate from native place to new settlements. The deserting and change of native places results in redistribution of population, both at its native and at the destinations. The push factors of migrations are social, marital, economic, educational, political and religious. The recent migratory movements are caused due to pressure on land because of rapid growth of population, decline in the rural industries and handicrafts, lack of employment and livelihood etc. Thus, migration is one of the dynamic constituents of population change and a vital component of development. (Tripathy,2005:24). It may consist of the crossing of village or town boundary as a minimum condition for qualifying the movement as integral migration. (Tripathy, 2005:1). Migration has been studied by different social scientists and analyzed in terms of socio-economic, geographical and sociological and psychological perspectives. Indeed, conceptualizing migration is a complex process, which includes four crucial elements – space, residence, and time and activity changes (Tripathy, 2006: 2).

Migration may be classified on the basis of ‘duration of stay’. Labourers may move ‘permanently’ or for a prolonged period. They may move for a short period. (Tripathy, 2006:2). If the labourers move for a short duration with the intention to return to his place of usual residence, it is known as ‘circular migrants’ or ‘turnover migrants’ or short- term period. (Tripathy, 2006:2). An important group of circular migrants consist of ‘seasonal migrants’ those who combine activities in several places according to seasonal labour requirements and availability of seasonal work opportunities (Tripathy, 2006: 2).

Rensje Teerink focused on labour migration that is more affluent classes of castes. The concept of seasonal labour migration, circulation, return migration, wage-labour migration have been explained by Breman that it is only appropriate to use the term ‘circulation’ when there is a persistent, continuous return to the place of origin for a short while or a longer period (Breman,1990:48). The term ‘return migration’ seems more suitable when the period of time between settlement and departure is longer than a year (as cited in Rensje Teerink, 1996:214).  Teerink has opted for the term ‘seasonal migration’ or ‘circulation’ as defined by Mitchell (1985:30) is “….the process in which people periodically leave their permanent residence in search of employment at places too far away to enable them to commute daily, stay at these labour centers for extensive periods and then return to their homes”. Seasonal labour migration can be distinguished from regular migration by the fact that it does not alter the long term distribution of the people because all seasonal migrants will eventually return to their home areas (Chapman & Prothero, 1975: 39). The concept of ‘seasonal migration’ or ‘circulation’ refers the groups of people who are engaged in the process of daily wage labour for survival that forces them to leave their home land on a regular basis, particularly when entire households, including men, women, children and aged are adversely affected. Breman explored in his study ‘Circular mobility accompanies the labour strategy of an entire household and cannot be reduced only to the behaviour of an individual. The price demanded by circulation is the detachment, for a longer or a shorter time, of one or more working members of the household (Breman, 1990:51).

Concepts of migration:

Sinha has also emphasised on the distance and human will move from once permanent place of residence. But the problem with this understanding of migration is that it does not cover the movement of pastoral nomads, the daily movement of commuters from city to its peripheral areas, seasonal shift of migrant workers and regular or irregular movement of tourists (Trewartha, 1969:136 as cited in Sinha 2005:404). “Permanent or semi-permanent change of residence, no restriction is placed upon the distance of the move or upon the voluntary or involuntary nature of the act and no distinction is made between external and internal migration” (Lee,1970:290 as cited in Kharche 2011:41). Migration is physical “transfer of an individual or a group from one society to another”. He also meant that the movement involves abandoning of one social setting and entering into another social setting (Eisenstandt, 1953:167-180 as cited in Sinha, 2005:404).

The UN multilingual dictionary defines “Migration” as a form of spatial mobility between one geographical unit and another, involving a permanent change of residence”. United Nations follows the framework for measuring migration is by following the place of birth at the time of listing in the designated region. They also classified migration according to time duration. Long-term migration being when the period of stay is more than one year (Bell, 2003), (United Nations 2002 as cited in  Bhagat, 2005: 3).

The Government India defines Internal Migration as “any movement within the political boundaries of a nation which results in a change of usual place of residence. It may consist of the crossing of a village or town boundary as a minimum condition for qualifying the movement as internal migration”. The definition clearly mentions that migration involves movement beyond the boundary lines. Thus a migrant is “a person who has moved from one politically defined area to another similar area” (http://censusindia.gov.in/Metadata/Metada.htm#Mig)

Distress Seasonal Migration: An Emerging Phenomenon:

Distress Seasonal Migration has been attributed as much uneven development (National Commission on Rural Labour – NCRL – 1991) as to caste and social structure. Large scale distress seasonal migrations were triggered off in the late 60s by persistent drought in rainfall –deficit regions of the country (Kharche, 2011: 43). The creation of irrigation facilities in some areas and commercializing agriculture in surplus areas resulted in the increase in labour demand during specific seasons of the year. This increase in labour demand and urbanization and infrastructure development in recent years has resulted in the supply of cheap labour from remote and poor places. Migrant populations overwhelmingly belong to Scheduled Caste (SC), Scheduled Tribe (ST) and Other Backward Class (OBC) categories (Kharche, 2011: 43) coming from the backwards regions of the country. Deforestation resulted in decreased employment of Katkari tribes and they were caught up in a vicious circle of poverty, indebtedness under brick kiln owners and became bonded laborers.

According to the All India Brick Kilns and Tile Manufacturers’ Federation, there are around 50,000 brick kilns in India. Taking a conservative estimate of five members per family, a staggering figure of 25 million is obtained as those dependent on brick sector for their livelihood, a third of which are likely to be children. (Smita, 2007:33 as cited in Kharche, 2011:19).

The Katkari hamlets are situated at the periphery of the non-tribal villages. Partially their livelihoods depend on these non-tribal villages by selling their labour. Katkari hamlets are very often located on Dali land or forest land as forest villages. As a result, Katkari tribes victimised by mother villages or forest department. The forest department does not permit to dig wells under development schemes of the government. The dominant groups of Gram Panchayat create hindrance to get their housing entitlements (Indira Awas Yojana). Their generations old settlements are claimed either by the forest department or powerful groups of the village. Katkaris hence always live under psychological pressure and fear. The issue of land ownership in Katkari settlements needs to be addressed on a priority basis.

The distressed seasonal migration of Katkari families along with their children is deprived of access to education. The migrant children are assisted to enrol in schools nearly brick kiln find the syllabus unfriendly and pushing them to drop out. Even the Integrated Tribal Development Programme – ITDP bypasses the development of Katkaris. Interestingly, the large number of Katkari hamlets are not eligible to gain entitlements under ITDP as their hamlets are located either in forest land or Dali land hence they don’t get the benefits of the Tribal Sub Plan (TSP).

 

 

Karl Marx on Labour and Capitalism

It is very interesting to analyze the bounded labour situation of Katkari tribe with a Marxian perspective. Karl Marx in his book “Capital (Vol -1)” (published in 1867) explained how man’s labour power becomes a commodity. The Katkari tribe who are involved in daily wage labour sells his/her labour to the owner of the brick kilns, contactors, sugarcane fields. Marx also explained the way the laborers creates , “ surplus  value”, which is the source of profit for the capitalist class. Marx located his arguments that the capital creation by the laborers, crushes them, ruining small proprietors and creating an army of unemployed persons. Marx’s economic theory justifies the economic exploitation of distressed migrants Katkari tribe’s labour is exploited in brick kilns and wood cutting in the jungle by the capitalist owners to maximize surplus value.

The brick kiln owners exploit maximum labour of the Katkaris. The capitalist (brick kiln owners) extract surplus value in terms of profit and wealth. Marx argument is that the capital created by labour of the Katkaris, crushes them and creates unemployment. The paper explores that the distressed Katkari migrants get trapped into indebtedness. The push factors

like vicious poverty, landlessness, illiteracy, underemployment, unskilled labour, and hunger crisis, daily expenses, poor housing loan and bonded labour [1].

Push and Pull factors:

The factors which cause migration can be classified under Push factor and Pull factor. The major push factors of the distress migration are poverty, indebtedness, landlessness, unskilled labour, poor housing, economic insecurity and food insecurity.

Pull factors are Kharchi (weakly expenses), Uchal (short-term loan taken from brick kiln/coal mines owners/big farmers), labour guarantee to the money lenders

 

 

 

Socio-economic profile of Katkaris tribes under the studied hamlets: 

The socio-economic characteristic of Katkari tribes in five hamlets shown in the table 1.1, the total population of these hamlets is 700. It is necessary to analyse the unskilled labour of Katkari tribes that would reveal their tendency to migrate for livelihoods. The 54% Katkaris are unskilled labour in five studied hamlets, 1.14% are engaged in small scale business and 40.85% people are engaged in other occupation like house wife, student. There is concentration of married women in the distress seasonal migration stream. About 69.57% of the population consisting of male, female and children are living in brick kilns, coal mines and cutting woods in jungle.

The economic condition of Katkari household in the studied hamlets is 56.14% population are identified below the official poverty line having Anthddoya ration cards and 13.57% do not have ratio card. The important social protection and source of welfare for the Katkari tribes is public distribution System (PDS). The ration card that entitles them to subsidised goods (Rice, wheat, sugar, kerosene) is from the PDS. The poor tribes are not capable of lifting the subside goods due to the poverty and neatly 14% Katkaris are actively deprived of subsidised goods sine they do not ration card. The percentage is as high as 94.6% people do not have Adhaar card. Only 39% people have voter ID card. Another important indicator of the socio-economic condition of Katkari tribes is the nature of the house that they live in 65.71% live in semi-pucka house and 34.28% live in kutcha house. Another important indicator of the household economy is agrarian economy whether the Katkari tribes possess cultivable land. It can be seen that 88% of the Katkari household are landless, 1.71% household possess forest land and 10.57% household own private land and the rest 88% are landless. Only 26% population have primary education and 74.7% Katkari tribes never been to a school and only 18% people have access to dinging water. There is a trend in Katkari tribes living in joint families rather than nuclear families NREAGA Job card 8.68% Unaware, 31.92% . And the remaining people. 59 % of the people do not have without job card

Discussion

Marx’ theory of alienation argued that the product alienation breaks the workers from in identifying with the product they produce. The Katkari workers’ product constitutes a source of self- identification. The losing of control over productions is destroying their self -identification. They cannot use the products brick, charcoal what they produce and they are alienated from the products.

Marx asserted that fellow human alienations break the relations from fellow human beings and from the human social community. The reason behind this is that life has become competitive and relations are converted in to economic-oriented and economic transaction. There are two senses for alienation from fellow humans. In first sense, industrial capitalism bound individuals to be isolated and separate from others in order to obtain their private interests for economic profit. In the second sense, there is alienation from fellow humans occurs as society develops only one class the sole benefactor of the product of the labor. The distress migrants of Katkari tribes; men, women, children are being alienated from their society in terms of not being able to involve in cultural and ritual practices of their respective hamlets and children are not being able to involve in educational institutions

Migration is a mechanism to compensate the livelihood but the distress seasonal migration of the poor katkari tribe with fear inadequate information and knowledge is not only a livelihood issue but also a phycho-social issue. The katkari tribes are characterized by lower education levels, lower levels and landless, and from an inferior geographical location. Such explanations are derived from the ‘new economics of migration’. We can thus learn that migration-related decisions should not be evaluated only on the basis of utility maximization of individual migrants, but also on the basis of risk reducing by households ( Haberfeld, Sahoo& Vayas, 199:486).The Katkari are not poor without resources but their abilities are compromised by the larger society .Indian economy has power to destroy the jobs and livelihoods of the poor rather than to create the decent jobs and livelihoods for the poor. Industries and private undertakings are outsourcing at the cost of environment and the industries and organized sectors are not responsible to bear the cost but it the katkari tribes and the poor are bearing the cost of environmental damages. Can people ( Katkari) be the stakeholders in the current development process?

The inadequate fulfillment of livelihood and inadequate employment opportunity are push factors to migrate for livelihoods Gr am Panchayat gets delay in implementation the schemes and act like MGNREGA. The guidelines of the scheme, acts as a disincentive. To complicated procedures sometimes takes more time and unskilled people do not like to endlessly wait for their payment and therefore lose interest in the scheme. The wage that is paid under the scheme is lower than the wage rate available to a migrant worker.

To implement the development schemes, a conscious society is needed, and government has failed to create a conscious society to promote livelihoods by enhancing their skills.  The livelihood programmes are no based on the ways of people’ ideas, Schemes are needed people friendly livelihood with participatory approach to mitigate distress migration. The exact needs of the katkaris are recognized by themselves. This non-egalitarian community wants to cultivate land for their livelihood but they do not possess the cultivable land. They do not have land hence they are leading life as non-agriculturist populations. The katkaris have resources like water, forest, pasture land, forest land, Govt land, and private land.  These are the primary resources with Katkari tribes. Katkari tribes recognize resources. The functional democracy at grass root level is depriving Katkari tribe, children groups, destitute and vulnerable. Unless this functional democracy is converted into direct democracy at the ground the distress migration would force the poor to migrate for livelihoods.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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[1] A Katkari family (husband, wife and small children) makes about 1,500 bricks per day. The Katkaris work for 6 days in a week, the weekly bazaar day being an off day. In some cases, even this holiday is not permitted. In a month, the Katkaris produce about 36,000 bricks. Assuming losses, breakages; it can be said that a family makes about 30,000 bricks in a month. At Rs.160 for thousand bricks, each family should earn upto Rs.4,800 per month. Katkaris work for 6 to 7 months on brick kilns. So in a year, each family should earn something like Rs.29,000 to 33,600 working on brick kilns. In reality the Katkari family gets Uchal (advance) of Rs.2,000 to 3,000 once in a year and Kharchi (wages) of Rs. 250 to 300 per week. That is, Rs.1,000 to Rs.1,200 per month or Rs. 6,000 to Rs.7,200 in wages over a period of 6-7 months. The advance and the interest are continuously deducted from wages. Considering an advance of Rs. 3,000 and wages of Rs.7,200; a Katkari family gets underpaid by anywhere between 19,000 to 23,400 in a year. Assuming an average 15-20 years of work on brick kilns; a Katkari family is deprived of a minimum of Rs. 450,000 of its rightful wages during its lifetime (http://www.rainforestinfo.org.au/ katkari/index.html, August 29, 2008).

Jungle Andolan of Singhbhum, Jharkhand

Jungle Andolan of Singhbhum

Struggle for Survival and Oppression of the Fittest

Khudi Ram Mahto

Census (1871) enumerated 96 communities in Chotanagpur and census (1931) did not list any new community and only 28 communities were enumerated as non-tribes in Chotanagpur and the remaining 68 communities were enumerated as tribes. Census (1941) enumerated 60 communities as tribes. The 68 adivasis of Chotanagpur were categorized in Indian Constitution as Scheduled tribe, Scheduled Caste and Other Backward Class with the intention and the theory of divide and rule the adivasis of Chotanagpur.  The Government of Bihar produced  list of only the 13 tribes to the Government of India to schedule in The Constitution (Scheduled Tribes) Order, 1950 under article 342 (1) of the constitution of India. Out of 13 tribes 12 tribes were scheduled as Scheduled Tribes and Kudmi tribe was not scheduled as tribe without any official notification. By struggling, the graph of the Scheduled tribes in Jharkhand has reached and consisted of 32 tribes and 8 Primitive Tribe Groups (PTGs).  Unfortunately the demand of rescheduling of the remaining tribes (out of 68 tribes) is now intensively opposed by these 32 tribes in Jharkhand.  The movements of the Jungle Andolan of Singhbhum district and Jharkhand Movement of Chotanapur (map of Chotanagpur Plateau, Census of India, 1901) are the movements of these 68 tribes, The Adivasi term is conceptualized here for these 68 tribes of Chotanagpur Plateau.

Struggle for Land, Forest and Water

The Jungle Andolan of Singhbum district for land, forest and water was the struggle for right over and part of the socio-economic aspects of Jharkhand Movement. The movement was at peak in 1978 and the several police firings include Ichahatu police firing, Serengda police firing, Sarjomhatu police firing and Eligada police firing. This movement survived till 1983 and 18 people were killed. Government of Bihar tried to crush the movement, thousands of adivasis were beaten and cases registered in police stations against thousands of people and put them behind bars.  It was the longer period in the history of Jharkhand Movement after independence of India.

The historical background of the Jharkhand Movement is the natural attachment of people with land, forest and water. They touch the every aspect of people’s life and death, pain and pleasure. The tribes have birth-relation with land, forest and water, the concept of right came much later, this is a conspiracy to break this relation of tribes by broken promises. The innocent tribal by nature are trapped into by so called mainstream civilized communities. The Jharkhandis are   animists and natural beauty of land, forest and water are the centers of their devotion.  When and wherever one has attempted to drive them out from their devotional centres, they have never reconciled. This is their unique system of devotion to the earth, Tribal’s devotional  way of life to the earth may be the subject of lesion and inspiration for the environmentalists and intellectuals who are organizing national and international seminars on environmental issues and for the policy makers of this land.

In August 15, 1978 to September 1978, the Direct Action Programmes were lunched for separate state Jharkhand under the leadership of N.E. Horo, the president of Jharkhand Party. The Direct Action Programme for separate Jharkhand included the submission of memorandum to the every and each Deputy Collector of the district, processions, dharanas, Gheravs and addressing gatherings. Along with these, Jharkhand Movement for separate state struggled for right over land, forest and water. The Direct Action programme survived for a month but Jungle Andolan became intensive and vigorous. Despite of the indifferentness of Jharkhand party on Jungle Andolan, Sailendra Mahto and Late Devendra Maghi led the Movement. Immediately a meeting was held by Sailendra Mahto, Devendra Maghi, Mora Munda, Machua Gagrai, Lalsingh Munda, Ram Rai Ho, Bahadur Oraon, and Sitaram Shastri discussed on the indifferentness of Jharkhand Party on Jungle Andolan and decided that the Jungle Movement would be led with and under the banner of Jharkhand Mukti Morcha. The responsibility was given to Sailendra Mahto to meet with Binod Bihari Mahto, then the president and Shibu Soren then the general secretary of Jharkhand Mukti Morch in Dhanbad.  Rs 20 were given to Sailendra Mahto for fare.  On December 10, 1978 Sailendra went to Jhariya to meet Binod Bihari by Gomo Passenger and reached the working office of Jharkhand Mukti Morch, Hirapur nearby Dhanbad district court.  When Sailendra reached there Binod Bihari engaged in legal discussion with 5-6 advocates and some people. Sailendra introduced himself and discussed about political situation and Jungle Andolan. In the evening Shibu Soren and A.K. Roy also turned up in the office of Binod Bihari Mahto. Sailendra discussed about the direct action of Jharkhand Andolan on land, forest and water and revealed the intention Jharkhand movement in Singhbhum district under the banner of Jharkhand Mukti Morch. Sailendra Mahto invited these three leaders to Chakradharpur on September 25, 1978, and to address a gathering to constitute a unit of Jharkhand Mukti Morch in Singhbhum. The central leaders of Jharkhand Mukti Morch respected and accepted the invitation.

The Singhbum unit of Jharkhand Mukti Morch was constituted under the presence of Binod Bihari Mahto, the president and Shibu Soren, the general secretary of Jharkhand Mukti Morch  after addressing the huge gathering at ground of Railway in Chakradharpur in September 25, 1978.  On this occasion A.K. Roy, Member of Parliament, N.E. Horo was invited and the Jungle Andolan merged into Jharkhand Mukti Morcha. First time police firing on November 6, 1978 to crush Jungle Andolan by the Government of Bihar in the Ichaahatu village of Goilkera Block, the second firing on November 25,  1978 in Serengda weekly market, Goilkera Block. After these police firings, the leaders like Bhubneshawar Mahto, Sula Purty, Sukhdeo Hembram and several local leaders joined Jungle Andolan. The Gua police firing on December 8, 1980 was the third firing and police firing followed by Kashijowa, Baipi, Tonto,Kuira, Kumbiya, Jojohatu, Sarjomhatu, Eligada Tiruldih firings to crush Jungle Andolan at the gun point. The Jungle Andolan survived till 1978 to 1983 and 18 people of Jungle Andolan were killed, hundreds people got injured, nearly 15 thousands cases were lodged against agitators and nearly two thousand out of them were put behind the bars in Chaibasa and Hajaribag Jails.

After 27 years Forest Rights Bill passed in December 15, 2006 in Lok Sabha during the office of UPA, headed by Dr. Manmohan Singh. It was the result of Jungle Andolan in Singhbhum and other tribal movements across the tribal belts in India. It is a brooding question that what these agitators of Jungle Andolan and Jharkhand Movement what gained out of ‘The Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006   and separate Jharkhand state?

Continue——-

 

Kudmis of Chotanagpur

Kudmis of Chotanagpur

Khudi Ram Mahto

While I was student of class V, went to Circle Office to get a so called caste certificate to appear at examination of Navodaya Vidhalaya. The Circle Officer issued me the Caste certificate mentioning Belongs to Kurmi caste (कुर्मी जाति) of Jharkhand which is recognized as document of residential land. This incident inspired then the researcher to know about his own community. The illiterate family of the researcher could not satisfy the query of the researcher except saying that Dikus outsiders could not pronounce Kudmi (कुड़मी). The researcher kept wandering to know it since his own community and other co-existed tribe pronounce this community Kudmi  Later he came to know that Kudmis of  Chatanapur were enumerated in the in the list of  tribes. The census records of Kudmi tribes have been mentioned Aboriginal Community (1901 and 1911), Animists (1921), Primitive Tribe (1931), Tribal Hindu in Mayurbhanj and Kshatriyas in other areas (1941). Rather this tribe was mixed with Kurmis of Bihar. Since then the identity crisis of Kudmis occurred. How Kudmi tribes of Chhotanagpur are anguishing active and passive deprivation of social and political recognition since post-independent. The Kudmi tribe is perhaps one of the most debated politically and less written tribes academically in India.

 Rationale for the study

The colonial rule has done lot of damage in terms of the identity and culture of indigenous groups in India. Some of the indigenous groups were wrongly listed  as Hindu caste which  deprived  them of constitutional rights in course of time. The Kudmi community is one such indigenous group from central India wrongly listed census during British time as Kurmi caste, in some part they have been listed as Kshatriya Kurmi caste, in some part aboriginal tribes .This has created chaos among the kudmi indigenous group as some started claiming the Kshatriya Kurmi status without  knowing that they have been deprived of constitutional provisions for tribal development. The study tries to understand dilemma, plight and struggle of Kudmi tribe which is originally primitive totemic tribe because of British census operation wrongly listed as Kshatriya Kurmi. The study contributes the understanding of situation of the community which is really backward and tribal but not listed in the Constitutional Scheduled (Tribes) Order, 1950, of India.

 

Objectives of the study:

 

1. To understand and to construct the historical roots of Kudmi tribe.
2. To explore of socio-economic, cultural and political life of Kudmi tribe.
3. To examine factors or reasons for deprivation of Constitutional recognition as Scheduled tribe to kudmi tribe.
4. To study the socio-economic deprivation and marginalization of Kudmi tribe because of its mistaken identity as  Kshatriya  Kurmi caste.
5. To study the response or reactions and Resistance of Kudmis towards their mistaken identity as Kurmi caste.
6. To recommend measures for the socio- political empowerment of Kudmi tribe.

Research questions:

1. In what way Census enumeration during the British rule in India has created problems of ethnic identity among different communities?
2. What factors have led to considering an indigenous, totemic tribe as non- tribe?
3. What is the impact of depriving a Scheduled tribe status to Kudmi tribe?
4. How do the Kudmi tribe react to its mistaken identity as Kshatriya caste?

 

Literature Review

The Totemic Kudmi tribes are highly concentrated in Ranchi, Hajaribag, Santhal Pargana  and Singhbhum (Chhatanagpur plateau of)  Jharkhand,  In Orrisa (Mayurbhanj, Sundargarh, Keonjhar, Bonai) ,  and in West Bengal  (Purillia, Bankura and Midnapore, Burdan, Malda, Murshidabad and West Dinajpur).  A well-defined territory bounded by the four rivers Damodar, Kanshabati, Subarnarekha, and Baitarni,  it has been a part of lower Jharkhabnd where the Totemic Kudmi tribes have co- existed with other tribal communities. (P.P. Mahto, 2000: 25) But in due course of time . some of the Totemic Kudmi tribes along with other tribal groups have migrated to Assam (Darrang, Sonitpur, Golaghat  Lakhimpur, Dibrugarh, and Jorhat), Bangladesh and other parts of West Bengal and Orissa for seeking employment.

From Manbhum, the totemic tribes started to migrate along with other co-existed tribes as contract labours to Assam tea gardens in 1882 from Manbhum, they migrated Mayurbhand, Keonjhore for their existence and survival due to terrible famines of 1770-72, 1866,1872-74 etc. (  Basu,  1994:94) . Totemic Kudmi Tribes possess a single title Mahto in Jharkhand, Mahato in West Bengal, Mohanta in Odisha and Kurmi in Assam, due to linguistic variations.

The identity crisis of Kudmis as a primitive tribe, out of the Scheduled Tribe list remained unseen and unheard a passage of time.  As the Kudmis  became aware of and educated the issue became crucial enough to draw the attention of sociologists,  social scientists, anthropologist, media and the government in general.

Kurmis of Chotanagpur and Orissa belong to an entirely different type. Short, sturdy, and of very dark complexion, these kurmis closely resemble in feature the Dravilian tribes around them. In Manbhum and the north of Orissa it is difficult to  distinguish a Kurmi from a  Bhumjis or a Santhal , and the latter tribe,  who are more particular about food than is commonly supposed , will  eat boiled rice prepared by Kurmis; and according to one tradition regard them , who begot the Kurmis on the elder and the Santhals on the younger of two sisters. (  H.H. Risely, 1891: 529), Grierson, (1906). Coupland (1911) supported the statement made by Risely and Grierson that Kurmis belong to Dravidian stock and concluded the Kurmis  of Manbhum and Dhanbad are different from the Kurmis of Bihar.

The sections in use among the Kurmis of Chota Nagpur and Orissa are purely totemistic and it will be seen from Appendix I that a large portion of the totems are capable of being identified (Risely, 1891: 530). In Chota Nagpur and Orissa, though the tendency is on the whole towards infant- marriage, adult-marriage is still in full force, and sexual intercourse between unmarried people is tacitly recognized, it being understood that if the girl becomes pregnant her lover will come forward to marry her before her child is born. In such intridues the laws of exogamy must be strictly observed, and intercourse between members of the same totem is reckoned as incest and punishment by expulsion of the caste. The marriage is a highly primitive character, and comprises several usages of special interest.  After the preliminary negotiations have been completed and a bride-price (Pan), varying from Rs 3 to Rs 9, has been paid to the parents of a girl. Early on the wedding morning the betrothed pair, each in their homes , are separately married to trees- the bride to a Mahua ( Bassia latifolia), and the bridegroom to a mango ( mangifera Indica) (Risely, 1891: 530-31).

 

The totemic Kudmi tribes are very particular of their totems (clans) and a Kudmi can merely dare to cross the totem boundary.  The violation of marriage norms and other social norms are socially punishable by the social organisations of kudmi tribes. The social authorities of Kudmi tribe are Mahto,  Paraganait ,and Deshmandal Mahto (headman of the village and assisted Potait) who solves all the socio- political and judicial problems of the village. The post of Mahto is hereditary in nature. After the death of Mahto , it automatically transferred to his eldest son. A cluster of twelve villages form a Paragan which is headed by Paraganait (headman of a cluster of minimum 12 villages) who solves all the inter village dispute under his Jurisdiction. A group of Pargans (about six to ten) forms a Thapal, which is look after and governed by Deshmandal.   As per the traditional Kudmi tribal political system, this Deshmandal is considered as a real protector of Kudmi  tribe. If a totemic Kudmi tribe violates social norms Mahto or Paraganait persuades the Kudmi Panch to induce a fine a feast with hens. Cocks or a goat  that has to be arranged by the deviant family. The feast is eaten first by Mahto or Paraganait and he is called Hard Gilua. Having eaten feast/ food by  mahto is the acceptance of re-inclusion of the deviant family within Kudmi tribe and is behaved as usual. The entire Kudmi tribe is divided into 81 totems and marriage practice is exogamous by totem (clan) and  endogamous by tribe. Monogamy is the common form of marriage practiced by the kudmi tribes, and polygamy is also socially accepted.

………….On the other hand , the kurmis themselves have some curious prejudices in the matter of food, in which  perhaps we may discern traces of traditional antipathy to Brahmans which distinguishes the Santhal, A Kurmis, for example, will not touch fooked food by aby Brahaman escept his own Guru; while a kurmi woman will not eat food prepared by her husband’s guru. Santals will eat food cooked by a kurmi, but the kurmi will not return the compliment , though they will smoke from the hookah as a Santal,  and will take water from his hands. (Risely, 1891: 536).

A comparative Anthropometric  study  among Kudmi, Santal, Munda and Bhumij tribes  done by H.H. Risely:

Table 1.1

 

Stature	Head Breadth
Bhumij                                                  1592	Bhumij                                                      139.5
Kurmi                                                    1600	Kurmi                                                        140.5
Santal                                                     1614	Santal                                                          140.7
Munda                                                    1589	Munda                                                         138.6
Head length	Cephalic index
Bhumij                                                   185.2	Bhumil                                                          70.0
Kurmi                                                      185.6	Kurmi                                                           75.7
Santal                                                      184.8	Santal                                                           76.1
Munda                                                     185.2	Munda                                                         74.5

Source : Mehto, B.K. (1989), ), Kudmali Chari, P: F,  Ranchi, Mulki Kudmali Bhakhi Baishi

 

The 17th session of the All india Kurmi Kshatriya Conference held at Muzaffarpur in the year (1929), AND three delegates from Manbhum were present as representatives of the Chotanagpur Kurmis. (Singh & Mahato, 1983: 113). On the other hand Kudmi community passed a resolution in January 15, 1931 for Jenav Todo (जनेऊ तोड़ो) campaign (Break the Sacred Thread) was lunched. The large number of Kudmi population gathered against Kshatriyazation of Kudmis. To scatter the large gathering police had to fire as result Chuna Ram Mahto, Govind Mahto, Gokul Mahto, and Shital Mahto died and Janew Todo Abhiyan was subdued by state.

No. 550- whereas the tribes known as the Mundas, Oraons, Santhal, Hos, Bhumis, Kharias, Ghasis, Goands, Kandhs, Korwas, Kurmis, Male Sasurias, and Pans, dwelling in the province of Bihar and Orissa have customary rules of succession and inheritance incompatible with the provisions of the Indian succession Act, 1865, and it is inexpedient of apply the provisions of that Act to the numbers of those tribes. (The Gazette of India , May 3, 1913,  PP 471).

No. 3563-J, Whereas the tribes known as the Mundas, Oraons, Santhals , Hos, Kharias, Ghasis, Gonds, Kandhs, Korwas, Kurmis, Male Sasurias and Pans,  dwelling in the province of Bihar and Orissa  have customary rules of succession and inheritance incompatible with the provisions of the Indian Succession Act, 1925 (XXXIX of 1925), and it is inexpedient to apply certain of the provisions of the said Act to the members of those tribes.

In exercise of the powers conferred by Section 3 of the Indian Succession Act 1925 and in supersession of notification No. 550, dated May 2, 1913 of the Government of India is the Home department, the Government of Bihar and Orissa are pleased to exempt all Mundas, Oraons, Santhals, Hos , Bhumis Kharias, Ghasis, Goands, Kandhs, Korwas, Kurmis, Male Sasurias, and Pans, dwelling in the province of Bihar and Orissa  from the operation of the following provisions of the said Act. Namely sections 5 to 49, 58 to 191, 212, 215 to 369 retrospectively from the sixteen day od March, 1865.

Provided that this notification shall not be held to affect any person in regard to whose rights a decision contrary to its effect has already been given by a competent civil court. (The Bihar and Orissa Gazette, Dec. 16, 1931)

Besides the above facts the Kurmis of Jharkhand (Chotanagpur) enjoy the benefit of a special measure of protection from the laws of the Chotanagpur, for instance transfer of their holding to non- aboriginals was not permitted under section 46 of the C.N.T. Act, 1908.

Ignoring the above facts , the Government of India, Ministry of Law, notification No. SRO 510 Dated Sep.6, 1950, published the Constitution (Scheduled Tribe) order 1950, where Kudmi tribes of Chotanagpur were not scheduled in Scheduled Tribe list.

The president’s order in 1950 under section 342 of the Constitution, however, left the vague and Dr. H. N. Kunzru and fifteen other members of the Parliament wrote a letter to the Prime Minister on the 17th Dec., 1950 seeking clarification on the issue.  The reply on 15th February 1951 made it clear that the “primitive tribes mentioned in 1931 census, as distinguished from caste, were to be included as Scheduled Tribes, unless the State Government concerned that certify the omission of a particular tribe was incorrect and that the community was in fact not only a tribe but a primitive or backward tribe.( S.R.O. 510, Sep 6, 1950 and No 2/38/50- Public Dated the 5^th October 1950).

Bishnu Charan Mahto and Khudi Ram Mahto were the delegates of  Chotanagpur Kudmi Panch submitted memorandum to Delimitation Commission  and Backward Commission  in 1955-56. (Mahto, K. 1991: 53-54) .

The various social organisations of Kudmis resisted on several occasions to de-scheduling from Scheduled Tribe list and submitted memorandums to State and Union Governments re-inclusion.

Despite of all efforts Governments did not respond, the All India Kurmi Mahasabha organised a conference in Patna unanimously resolved a resolution to rescheduled the Kudmis of Jharkhand into Scheduled Tribe list in 1971 and submitted memorandum to Government of Bihar.

The conference of Adivasi Kudmi Samaj held on December 27, 1987 at Junjhka, PS- Arsha, district- Purulia, West Bengal under the Presidentship of Takur Das Mahato (IAS, Reted) . There were near about one lakh aboriginal Kudmis present in the conference. The conference unanimously passed the following resolutions:

Resolution No. 1

This conference of the Adibasi Kudmi Samaj unanimously resolved that the Aboriginal Kudmi (Mahatos) community of the two Chatanagpur Division and Santhal Pargana Division in Bihar and Districts Purulia, Bankura, Midnapur and other areas within the state of West Bengal and districts of Mayurbhanj, Keonjhar, Sundargarh and other areas within the state of Orissa which had been included in the tribal list before 1931 and which has now  been included in Annexure one (1)  of the Backward Classes list in the state of Bihar is a Tribal community  and accordingly the conference request the Government of India to take immediate legal and constitutional steps foe re- inclusion of the aforesaid Aboriginal Kudmi community of these areas in the list of scheduled tribes in accordance with the provisions of Article 342 of the Constitution of India.

Resolution No. 2

Further this conference also unanimously resolved that the Kudmali language be recognised as a regional and tribal language in Bihar, West Bengal and Orissa.

The conference request the concerned governments of West Bengal , Bihar and Orrisa to take necessary steps for its teaching in all Educational Institutions with immediate effect like Ranchi University where teaching in Kudmali language from intermediate to Master degree has been already introduced (Basu, 1994: 12-13).

Conference of Kudmi , Ranchi (1972),  Conference of Kudmi in Ramgarh, (1975),  conference of  Kudmi in Mayurbhanj, Orissa (1977), conference of Kudmi in Ranchi (1978), conference of Kudmi in Jamshedpur (1979), conference of Kudmi in Jharkhand (1986), coference of Kudmi in Raipur, Bankuda, West Bengal (1986),  conference of All Jharkhand Students and Intellectuals (1986),  conference of Kudmi in Sili (1987), conference of Kudmi in Purulia (1987) and Conference of the Jharkhand Co-ordination Committee in Ramgarh  (1989). (Mahto, K. 1991: 53-54) .

 

In the 17^th session of the All India Kurmi-Kshatriya Conference held at Muzaffarpur (1929), it was resolved that Chotanagpur Kurmis were sililar to all other Kurmis living in India (Lacay, 1933, Singh and Mahato, 1983). In this conference three delegates from Manbhum were present on behalf of the Chotanagpur Kurmis and They also wore the sacred thread there. Who were these three delegates of Kudmis never identified?

Mahato observed that in the district of Purulia and its adjoining regions of Bihar and Orissa, the Mahato (Kudmi) and other peasants still use the term Khila This word already refered to in the Gupta land grants of the North and Eastern Bengal has been interpreted as uncultivated plots of land given to the Bhahmins (Mahato 1982).

In Jharkhand among the tribals and peasants the collection of paddy and money for worshipping the village deitied under sacared grove or Sarna or Jahira or Gramthan is decided by the elderly members of the village and is officiated by Deouri  (Priest).

Having harvested the crop the Mundas and Kudmis moved on to another area and adopted the same method of agriculture there. Reference to the cutting of forests of the Vindhya region in the Harshacharita might refer to this practice might refer to the practice. The Munda and Kudmis were pushed by powerful Gond and Kamar from Kaimur of Vindhaya region preferred to settle in this forest country. ( Mahato, 2000: 28).

The views of Roy were supported by Ghurye (1943). Kudmis as a settled peasantry first tried to settle down in Sankhbasin of district Palamu.  At that point their settlement of Kudmis were fast absorbed into the tribal-cluster group of Chotanagpur plateau. In a folk song of Karam festival , the Kudmis still remember the Sankh river: ( Roy, 1912)

Aijre Karam Raja

Ghare duare, ghare duare

Kal re Karam Raja Sankh nadir pare

(Today the Karam god is within our households , tomorrow Karam god will go far, crossing the Sankha river).

Mehta observed that none of the important rivers in this areas like Sankh, Koel, Damodar, (Pushpakran, Pokarna), Swarnrekha etc is named in Mundari Language. Then who were the the settlers here earlier, than the Mundas? (Mehta, 1982). The Kudmis had to migrate from central India to the forestof Jharkhand because of the pressure from the Gonds and Kamars, in recent past when the Kudmis were still doing shifting cultivation. Kamars are found in all Kudmi villages in Jharkhand (Ghurye, 1943,  as cited in Mahato, 2000: 28).

Dalton’s claim a settlement of Kudmis of 52 generation back; in the province of Chotanagpur the ancestors of the people now called the Kudmis appear to have gained a footing with the aboriginal tribes at a very remote period (Dalton, 1872).

In the Santhal rebellion, in an encounter with police Chanku Mahato, a kudmi was shot dead in Barhet. He was the first martyrs of the Santhal rebellion which depicted in the folk songs of the Kudmi of Godda and Pakur, So the Mahatos are never considered by the Santhas as Dikus  and they were accepted in the regional moral order of Jharkhand as sons of the soil or indigenous people (Mahato, 1989).

It was settled that the Kurmis of Chota Nagpur and Kurmis of U.P. and Bihar are akin to each other and there will be inter-dinning and inter-marriage among the said Kurmis; the Kurmis of Chota Nagpur would join closely with the All India Kshatriya Association and will be guided by the directions of it— the Kurmis are Kshatrira and they have right to wear sacred thread. (Lacy in the appendix V of Census of India 1931: Bihar and Orissa as cited in Chatterjee, 2008: 4).

The scholars’ views and findings are the divided one about the about the origin  and validity of Kudmi as a caste or a tribe, moved with co-existed other tribes or caste groups with Kurmis of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. But the scholars like Daltan (1872) in Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal writes the Kurmis as ‘unquestionably Aryans’, Risely (1884), in Tribes and Castes of Bengal describes the Kurmis of  Chotanagpur much alike those of the tribes of Dravidian stock. Sir George Grierson (1920), in Linguistic Survey of Chota Nagpur, are an aboriginal tribe of Dravidian and should be distinguished from the Kurmis of Bihar are designating themselves as Kudmi with a smooth instead of a hard ‘r’ .  The researcher found this significant observation in the field work that the Kudmis themselves and the co-existing other tribes in the study village pronounce Kudmi instead of Kurmi. These population neither heard nor read about the above mentioned scholars. Coupland (1910) in District Gazetteer of Manbhum describes the Kurmis of Chotanagpur aone of the Kolarians tribes, he finds —- the Mahto or village headman of the Kurmis corresponding exactly with the Majhi of the Santhals, the Sardar of the Bhumij and Munda of the Ho races. The researcher observed in the village under study that the co-existing Ho tribes have their own Munda Mehta (1982: 94) claims the similarity between the Kurmis of Chotanagpur region and those of the Gangetic Bihar—–with anthropological data he concludes that the totemic Kudmis of Chotanagpur were much similar to the tribals (Adivasis) of the regions and were distinct from the caste Hindu Kurmis living in Gangetic North Bihar and other region. Sengupta (1980, 2003), describes the Kurmi Mahtos of Chotanagpur region as originally tribals and cites the instances of a simultaneous initiation of the Gossaiyan Movement (Kudmi Movement) by Kudmi Samaj (society) of  Jharkhand, West Bengal, Odisha and Assam to preserve snd protect their cultural and ethnic identity from the threat of assimilation  coerced  by the Kshatriyasation Movement. Mahato has considered that Kshatriyasation is an attempt towards cultural silence and ethnic memocide of Kudmi in his Sanskritization vs Nirbakization.

Transition from Ethnic Group to Ethnic Identity

Published in The Tribal Tribune Journal

http://www.etribaltribune.com/main.php?opt=article&artno=216

The Folklore of the Genesis of Kudmi Tribes

Khudi Ram Mahto

The history of the totemic Kudmi Tribe has the folklore of their genesis like other co- existed tribes of Jharkhand, Odisha, and West Bengal. The origin of  Kudmi word has been derived from Kudum (tortoise). The entire folklore of Kudmis is centred on the conversation between Jengti  (earthworm) and Kudum (tortoise).

There was nothing but water in the universe and darkness without the day and night. Gasain( God  ) created Bera (Sun) followed by Moon , stars and light appeared in order to have day and night. Gasain began to brood to create Dhara (Earth). Since then the universe was full of water body and existed only aquatic species.  Gasain conducted an assembly as the frog suggested and it was the assembly of aquatic species like frogs, tortoise, and fishes. Gasain tabled a proposal to all the aquatic species to create the earth.

 The frog concerned: to create the earth we need soil.

Gasain: Where we will get soil from?

Crab: Tortoise can search it only.

Gasain: Asked tortoise, can you trace out soil and create the earth?

Tortoise: What I can do or not, but I shall certainly go to trace out soil. You should take a rest at my home till I trace out soil.

The assembly was adjourned and the members went back their homes and Gasain took a halt at Tortoise’s home. Gasain was given due respect to stay there. The tortoise crept into depth of waters to reach soil/ clay. The tortoise saw some heaps of soil here and there. It went nearer to the heaps of the soil and began to creep around it and came across with Earthworm. They stared at each –other for a while and then interaction began.

Gengti (Earthworm): Asked (Tortoise), who are you and what are you searching for?

Kudum (Tortoise) : I am  tortoise, Gasain ( God) commanded me to be here, who are you?

Gengti: I am Gengti, Kudum Bhai (brother), Will tell me what God’s command is?

Kudum: God is concerned to create earth. For it soil is the inevitable component, I am here for soil.

Gengti: You will certainly get the resource.

Kudum: Gengti brother, can you tell me about the heaps of soil around us?

Gengti: We are in clay, we survive by clay, we eat clay, and we discharge excreta as clay only. There heaps are the discharged excreta only.

Toroise heard attentively and stared at heaps of the soil  and came to narrate the findings to Gasain. The very next day tortoise approached to Gengti and asked can you create the earth? Gengti said, “if you command, I will struggle to create the earth and you will compute the activities”.

Gengti engaged in creating the earth with entire family. The entire family consumed clay and discharged clay and the heap began to expand day by day. Having seen it Gasain maintained an account. When one-fourth of the universe converted into land Gosain screamed “stop…stop, the earth has appeared. Gasain congratulated to Earthworm and commanded that Gengti would be in clay only, would not have trouble to eat clay, and would survive and die in it.

The entire aquatic species stared at the earth. Gasain commanded to develop the land since the clay was wet as they crept the land took shape of rivers, hills and fields. Gasain wished all the species to survive. Gasain buried the pen which he used to compute the account of creating the earth.  Form this pen a plant began to grow. Later the grown up matured tree known as Karam tree..

Gasain felt human beings needed to look after the earth. The swan and the goose began to seek a shelter and made a nest on the Kaarm tree, the female goose laid two eggs in the nest and hatched two infants in human shape, that were a male baby and another one was the female baby. Gradually they grew up and stepped on the earth. In the foot of the same Karam Tree a Kudum tortoise used to live  and it (Kudum) looked after those babies, every day Kudum took them  to walk  and escorted to home back ( hut).  Both the babies survived by consumed various kinds of fruits that were available in the immediate surroundings.  Those two babies were well known as Rengha Hehadm and Renghi Budhi. They lived like the couple and reproduced the population. Gradually population grew into the larger number and started living in groups. With the passage of time the children born in a particular group were prevented from marrying each other. Each group has its own totem and taboo. The groups are recognised by their totems and presently the entire Kudmi tribe is divided into 81 totems ( clans). In practice they are totem exogamous and tribe endogamous.

The ancestors of Kudmi were Rengha Hedam and Renghi Budhi used to play and brought up by Kudum (tortoise) , therefore the entire confederacy of Kudmi is known as Totemic Kudmi. The totemic Kudmi tribes have been worshiping a tortoise since the time of immemorial. Whenever the  Kudmi Tribes come across a tortoise in their fields they apply oil and vermilion on it and leave it on a pond,  in a well or any aquatic body  for its safety and natural freedom. It is the belief of the totemic Kudmi tribe that they appeared in the earth under the protection of Kudum (tortoise). They also worship the Karam tree and Rengha Hedam and Renghi Budhi were the ancestors of the entire confederacy of  Kudmis  as its descendants. Kudmis worship them as their deities. ( M. Laxamikant, 2001:  113 -17), Published in Hindi version

Identity crisis of Totemic Kudmi Tribes in Eastern India

Identity crisis of Totemic Kudmi Tribes in Eastern India

The Struggle of Inamul Hasan for an Educated Family

By Khudi Ram Mahto

Inamul is a resident of Jodhpur village of Satwadi Gram Panchayat , Kaman. His father Akbar Khan is a contractor by occupation and mother is an Angawadi teacher. Inamul is the eldest son of his parents having one brother and three sisters. He had his primary education from a government school of his own village. He moved to Anamika Public School for secondary education and enrolled in Jamia Milia Islamia ( JMI), graduated with Literature  in 2011. He enrolled in Master in Social Work in Tata institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai which is the pioneer institute in social work education in Asia. He is the first Mewati student of having enrolment in TISS and proud of Mewatis. He is looking for his career in Indian Politics.

His sisters Anjum Khan and Anam Khan gave up schooling in 9^th and 7^th standards respectively. The prime factor of giving up schooling was his grandmother’s orthodoxy. His grandmother emphasized the Islamic education rather than existing education in public school. They enrolled in Almiyat education course of five years in Arabi. Almiyat education is affiliated to Jamia Milia Islamia and equivalent to XII standard. Anjum  Khan and Anam  Khan obtained  70.08% and  84% respectively. When Inamul passed his BA second year and Anjum passed her XII standard same year.

Inamul persuaded his family that Anjum should enroll in BA in Jamia Milia Islamia by entrance examination. Initially family opposed his far- reaching idea but he succeeded in persuading his family. Having the Family consent he assisted his sisters for entrance examination in Jamia Milia Islamia. They got through the entrance examinations and enrolled in graduation with history Honors as regular students. Now Anjum is the student of final year of her graduation. She is the aspirant of Professorship and her younger sister is the aspirants of an Urdu teacher. Both the sisters are the first students from Pahadi Tahsil who are having university education.

His brother Mohammad Chand is studying in XI standard in Indian Education Institution, Nawalgarh Road, Sikar. He is a aspirant of police Officer. The youngest sister Rijwana is studying in XI standard in Arya Kanya vidhiyapeeth, Alwar and wants to be a judge of Indian Judiciary system. Inamul is proud of his parents’ consent for further study and hardwork that his entire siblings are engaged in pursuing education. Inamul is also expecting that his sisters will be the torch- bearers for Meo- girl education in his village and the entire Mewat region. They will be the inspiration for parents to educate their own children and mental revolution for women education which ultimately bring the social change of Mewat region. His father wishes that his family would be an ideal family of Mewat.